Singing Sir Hugh- Simon Rosati

Singing Sir Hugh
Simon ROSATI

[From: The Ryukoku Journal of Humanities and Sciences Vol.31 No.1 (2009).

R. Matteson 2015]


This article examines the social context of the Child ballad Sir Hugh. It gives the historical circumstances surrounding the ballad's origins. It goes on to look at printed versions collected from oral sources and then at the relatively few available commercial recordings of the song. It concludes that while the song is undoubtedly anti-Semitic historically, more recent versions have shed the historical context, changing the ballad into just another creepy murder story. Thus it is possible and permissible to continue to sing the ballad.

Singing Sir Hugh
Ballad number 155 in F. J. Child's The English And Scottish Popular Ballads (1882-1898) is Sir Hugh, or, The Jew's Daughter. It concerns the murder of a small boy by a Jewish woman, in Lincoln. There are versions of varying length and completeness and with varying motifs, but the basic story is as follows. A young boy is playing at ball in the street and accidentally kicks it into the Jew's garden. A young woman encourages him to come and retrieve it, but he is frightened and refuses. She entices him in with an apple, takes him to a distant room and kills him in a ritual manner, catching his blood. She throws the corpse into a
deep well. Many versions end here. In others the boy's mother searches for him and his corpse calls from the well (sometimes by the power of the Blessed Virgin Mary) to show his presence and to give burial instructions. In some cases the dead boy emerges to meet his mother, and the bells of Lincoln ring by themselves.

Lincoln
Lincoln is now a small, somewhat out of the way city in Eastern England, dominated by its magnificent Gothic cathedral (strictly, minster) set on top of the hill on which the old town is built. The event on which the ballad is based occurred in 1255. In that year a small boy was found dead at the bottom of a well. On this, and on little else, all parties were agreed. The trouble began when it was suggested that the death was no accident, but that the child had been murdered by local Jews.

Jews were prominent in many English cities at the time, and had been since the Norman Conquest (1066). Visiting Lincoln today and going down the aptly named Steep Hill, one may see Aaron the Jew's house (possibly not actually his), and lower down another Jew's House, with a plaque on the building next to it suggesting it was once used as a synagogue. The lower part of Aaron's House is clearly Norman, and remarkably strongly built, of large stones. The twelfth century Aaron, wherever in Lincoln he actually lived, was one of the richest men in England. Jews, being outside the feudal system, did not live in the countryside, but in towns and cities they were able to live, and make money through lending at interest (that is, by banking). Usury was forbidden to Christians, but permitted to Jews, and was a vital part of the economy. Kings, nobles and senior clerics all borrowed heavily, whether to finance wars or the building of abbeys and churches. Jews were therefore important, but also resented by those in their debt.

Lincoln cathedral was damaged by an earthquake (sic) in 1185, and the central tower collapsed in 1237 (or 1239). Rebuilding after the earthquake was begun in 1192 by Bishop Hugh (bishop 1186-1200), later great Saint Hugh. This is not the Hugh of our ballad, of course. The rebuilt choir was consecrated in 1280. (Information from the Lincoln cathedral website.) Thus at the time of the events of the ballad, expensive construction was in progress. Another point to consider is the need for relics. By 1255, Saint Hugh's shrine was a pilgrimage site. But Lincoln needed to compete with the likes of Canterbury, home to the shrine of
Thomas a-Becket since 1170, and conveniently situated between London and the ports for France.

Following the discovery of the child's body, Jews were accused of ritual murder. Unfortunately for them, many Jews from all over England had gathered in the city for a wedding, adding credence to Christian suspicions of a plot. The Annals of Waverly, the chronicles of Matthew Paris, and the Annals of Burton, near contemporary accounts, describe the arrest and subsequent confession under torture - Paris talks of his deliramenta - of a Jew named Copin (or Jopin, according to the Annals of Burton), in exchange for his life, that it was indeed a ritual murder. Eighteen Jews were hanged in London, and seventy-one were imprisoned in the Tower. These seventy-one were spared through the efforts of the Dominicans (Jacobs says the Franciscans), the king's brother Richard of Cornwall, and the expenditure of large sums of money. Copin himself was brutally executed in Lincoln, promises notwithstanding (see Child 1882-1898: III, 233-243; Jacobs 1991: 42-51, and 66; Jamieson 1806: I, 139-150; Percy, Ed. Wheatley 1885: I, 54-59).

The consequences of this were that King Henry III received the forfeited wealth of the executed men, as well as the bribes. The debts were written off. And Lincoln cathedral had a new martyr, little Saint Hugh, a most appealing one. As Wheatley puts it:
"The king was enriched by the spoils, and the clergy of Lincoln did not lose their opportunity, for the minster was made famous by the possession of the martyr's tomb." (Op cit, p 57)

Thus the authorities used popular superstition and prejudice to their own ends. The story was well known to Chaucer over a hundred years later, being mentioned in The Prioress' Tale. It is also alluded to by Marlowe in The Jew of Malta (Act II Scene ii).

The Blood Libel
The notion that Jews committed ritual murder was not new in 1255. Indeed, as Langmuir (1991) shows, accusations of ritual murder of this sort can be traced to pre-Christian times (and were also made by Romans against Christians). There was, however, a long gap of some seven hundred years from classical times to the resurgence of such accusations in medieval
England, starting in 1144 in Norwich, with the death of a boy named William. (It is scant consolation to this English writer to know that the calumny was started by a Welshman, Thomas of Monmouth.) Dundes (1991: vii) summarizes the blood libel legend:
 

"Jewish ritual murder, in particular, refers to Jews killing Christians for some alleged religious reason. The blood libel is a subcategory of Jewish ritual murder. Not only is a Christian killed - usually a small child, typically male - but the child's blood is supposedly
utilized in some ritual context, e.g., to mix with the unleavened bread eaten at Passover."
In the case of Hugh of Lincoln, the contemporary accounts go into great detail about his
suffering and martyrdom. Some of this is standard martyrology, such as his cheerfulness
throughout the ordeal (compare the numerous examples in Gregory of Tours, for instance).
However, the chronicles also indicate that he was crowned with thoms, crucified and pierced
with a lance, and that his body was used for magical purposes. In the ballad, however, Hugh is
more rapidly killed.

Unfortunately, such accusations do not merely indicate medieval cruelty and superstition. Accusations, and killings of Jews, continued for hundreds of years throughout Europe, including Russia and the Ottoman Empire. In many of these cases, the authorities rejected the accusations, often to no avail. There was an accusation as late as 1928 in Massena, New York
(introduction to Duker 1991), just five years before Hitler came to power. Jamieson, writing in 1806 (p. 149), and Wheatley, in 1885 (p. 57) , are both well meaning, but both are reluctant to conclude that there is absolutely no truth in such accusations. The British writer Arnold S. Leese (1877-1956) believed the blood libel (and was twice imprisoned for his fascist and antiSemitic
views) and his writing on the topic is available on the Internet. Outside Europe, Morier (2005 [1824]: 264-265) refers to the ritual sacrifice of Muslim children by Iranian Jews in his novel The Adventures oj Hajji Baba oj Ispahan, and I am reliably informed that such beliefs still existed in Iran in the 1970s. Wheatley (p59) suggests that the 'Mahometans' took the
belief from Christians.

Returning to Lincoln, we can see the remains of the shrine of Little St Hugh in the cathedral, in the wall of the south choir aisle, with a plaque put up by the Dean before the present one (according to the staff of the cathedral information desk, who also seemed uncomfortable talking about it), which reads as follows:

"By the remains of the shrine of 'Little St. Hugh'."
Trumped up stories of "ritual murders" of Christian boys by Jewish communities were common throughout Europe during the Middle Ages and even much later. These fictions cost many innocent Jews their lives. Lincoln had its own legend and the alleged victim was buried in the Cathedral in the year 1255.

Such stories do not redound to the credit of Christendom,
and so we pray:

"Lord, forgive what we have been,
amend what we are,
and direct what we shall be."

Versions of the Ballad
The background to Child 155, then, is a most unpleasant one. Yet the song has continued to be sung down to the present day, with versions recorded in England, Scotland, Ireland, Canada and the United States, though it appears not to have been printed on broadsides (Atkinson 2002:205). Roud's Folksong Index has 248 entries for the song (Roud 73, available via the EFDSS website). It was translated into German in the eighteenth century (Herder 2001: 62-64); it has been sung by children and black Americans (Scarborough 1937: 172); it has turned up in the Bahamas (Roud has three entries); and a Japanese translation is available (Yabushita & Yamanaka 2005-2006: I, 166-168). It has, of course, changed over time. The miraculous ringing of bells and the Catholic allusions to the Virgin Mary (the well named for her) seem to have gone first. Bronson (1976:294) suggests that the ballad was taken up by (superstitious) Scottish Protestants, though Jamieson (1806:140) says belief in bells ringing
by themselves did exist in Scotland.

The location in Lincoln was gradually forgotten with 'merry Lincoln' becoming, especially in Scotland, the confused 'Mirry-Iand toune' (e.g. Buchan 1825: 33; Johnson & Burns 1991: 602; Percy 1885: 59), and even 'in American corn' (e.g. Bronson 1976: 295, from Cecil Sharp's MSS); and the victim's name also changes, to William (e.g. Bronson 1976: 298) or Harry Hughes (e.g. Newell, as Child 155N; Joyce's Ulysses) or Harry Huston (e.g. Flanders 1963: III, 119), or is simply omitted (e.g. Scarborough 1937: 174-175).

Elements of ritual killing remain, however. In a great many cases the boy is ceremonially laid on a table, stabbed with a silver or gold pin, and his blood is caught in a golden cup (e.g. Cox 1998:120-127, 4 examples; Davis 1969: 400-415, 3 examples; Sharp 1932: 222-229, 2 examples). Something similar occurs in some versions of Lamkin (Child 93): the murderer catches the life blood of the lady of the house, or her baby, in a gold or silver bowl, showing how precious it is. In later versions, particularly those from North America, it becomes difficult to tell whether it is a ritual killing or just plain butchery (e.g. Davis 1969: 414):

"She took a great big carving knife
And stabbed his little heart in;"

There seem also to be Biblical allusions. The Jew's daughter entices the boy with a red apple (Adam and Eve); she stabs him 'like a sheep' (the Lamb of God); the event occurs at Easter or at least on a holiday (holy day). Atkinson (2002:206-209) makes much of this, and the listener can undoubtedly make such connections. On the other hand, the boy may be stabbed 'like a swine' ('the unclean animal of Judaism' Atkinson (p208); 'it is questionable how far a Jewess could be skilled in the cookery of an animal abominated by her people' (Motherwell 1846: I, 204)), and tempted with 'a cherry as red as blood'. Atkinson sees the cherry as sexual - she offers her virginity - but I think too much can be made of this. The boy is very young, after all, and I would stop at the ominous mention of blood, which warns the listener of what is going to happen. We already know the boy fears her, sometimes for apparent past crimes (Jamieson 1806: 152), and in Creighton (1966: 16) the lady is dressed in
green, the colour of faithlessness. Often in North American versions, in the usual ballad and folktale manner, she tempts him three times (e.g. Brown 1952: IV, 156):

"At first she showed him a blood-red apple,
And then she showed him a cherry
And then she showed him a diamond ring
To entice the little boy in in in,
To entice the little boy in."

The objects (figs, watch and chain, etc.) and their order vary (the cherry is often last), but there seems little religious symbolism here.

Further, what animal would be butchered by one person apart from a sheep or a pig? A cow, after all, is too large, and goats were not part of the Anglo-Irish diet. In several collected versions the actual killing is passed over, and we move straight from the enticement to the final speech giving burial instructions.

The notion that 'Murder will out' can be traced back at least as far as the fourteenth century, and is found in Chaucer (The Nun's Priest's Tale), Shakespeare (Hamlet II: ii and The Merchant of Venice II: ii) and Congreve (The Double Dealer IV: vi). In ballads it is found in The Cruel Sister (Child 10), The Maid and The Palmer (Child 21), Young Hunting (Child 68) and Young Benjie (Child 86) (see Scott 1931: 342 (Child 86) and pp. 425-427 (Child 68); Wimberly 1928: 81; Wi.irzbach & Salz 1995: 24). In every case the exposure is miraculous, and in the first three cases the murderer is a woman. In our ballad, the corpse does sometimes denounce the murderer (e.g. Flanders 1963: III, 123):

"The little penknife she stuck through my heart;
The Jewess, she did me wrong, wrong,
The Jewess, she did me wrong."

But this happens less often than one might expect. The miraculous element that does remain is that the corpse speaks to his mother from the well and gives instructions for his burial. As with magical elements generally, this also fades in North American versions, where the speech is possibly (e.g. Randolph 1980: I, 149) or certainly (e.g. Davis 1960: 232-233) made before
death, or may even be interpreted as an interior monologue.

Some writers (e.g. MacColl & Seeger 1977: 86) have been at pains to point out that the killer is not necessarily a Jew, showing that it may be a king's daughter (Randolph 1980; I, 150), a queen's daughter (Lomax 1960: 511), a duke's daughter (Newell, Child's N text), a jeweler's daughter (Killion & Waller 1972: 258-259), a Gypsy (recordings of The Fatal Flower Garden, see beloW), an unspecified 'she' (Scarborough 1937: 172-173), or occasionally a man. In fact the persistence of the Jew is striking, given how much else alters (and duke and jeweler would seem to be conscious substitutions). In a few versions (e.g. Child G; Leach 1955: 430-431) events are so confused that the killer puts the Bible at the corpse's head and the prayer book at his feet. As Child (III: 234) says 'how came these in the Jew's house?' Yet the killer is Jewish. Robert Graves, as entertainingly bonkers as ever, exculpates the Jews thus:

"The answer may well be that witches were extremely active in the Eastern counties, and that a substitute victim for the Queen's lover, their tithe to Hell, was needed every seven years." (1957: 149)

One motif in the ballad proved impossible to shake off in North America, which is the bad weather, which occurs at the start of numerous versions:

"It rained a mist, it rained a mist,
It rained all over the land;
Till all the boys throughout the town
Went out to toss their ball, ball, ball,
Went out to toss their ball." (Leach 1955: 429)

As Bronson points out (1976: 294), this weather is unsuitable for playing ball.

Recordings
Ballads are songs, not poems, as Bronson vigorously points out (Bronson 1969: 37), so we will now turn to recordings. These are not numerous compared with those of some other ballads, but the number is by no means negligible.

Let us start with traditional singers, that is to say singers who learned the ballad within their community, most probably orally, and sang it for pleasure not profit. In Britain it is notable that it has been sung by members of minority communities, whether Gypsies like Lemmie Brazil, Minty Smith or Caroline Hughes, or travellers like Margaret Stewart or Nelson Ridley (recorded by Ewan MacColl and Peggy Seeger; see Peggy Seeger's website). It has also been recorded by Irish people, including John Ban Byrne and Cecilia Costello, who was born in Birmingham to Irish parents and learned her songs mostly from her father. In the USA, we find traditional recordings by Ollie Gilbert of Timbo, Arkansas, and Viola Cole of Hillsville, Virginia. In the latter's version, the killer is simply 'a pretty little miss'. The song was also recorded by the improbably named Nelstone's Hawaiians in 1930 (reissued in 1997 on Smithsonian Folkways SFW40090) as The Fatal Flower Garden. In this version the killer is a
Gypsy.

Commercial, or revival, recordings have been issued in a steady trickle over the last fifty years, from the 1956 Sir Hugh (The Jew's Daughter) by A. L. Lloyd (produced by Kenneth Goldstein) to Gavin Friday's 2006 rendition of The Fatal Flower Garden. Including classical renditions of Britten's arrangement, there have been about fifteen versions (see The Child Ballad Collection website). Most famous perhaps is the version by Steeleye Span from 1975, where the killer is 'a lady gay', perhaps shying away from controversy for commercial reasons. Those singers who are self-consciously reviving or perpetuating a tradition sing it with the Jew's daughter as perpetrator.

Singing Sir Hugh

The collector Kenneth Goldstein, as well as producing Lloyd's recording, said the following regarding another song sung by the Scottish traveller Margaret Stewart (who also sang Sir Hugh And The Jew's Daughter), The Russian Jew:

"They had maybe never even seen a Jew before, and here am I, a Russian Jew from New York, recording this song from Aberdeenshire travellers!" (Quoted by Thomas A. McKean in the booklet to Binnorrie by Elizabeth Stewart, EICD002, p6)

(The song actually has no Russian Jewish connections, the English line 'Come a Russian Jew' being a macaronic rrtimicry of the Gaelic 'Ciamar a tha sibh an diugh?' meaning 'How are you today?')

Jacobs (1991: 63, but first published in 1896) writes:
"But fine as it is, the ballad has little instruction to give us on the death of little Hugh, and might celebrate any murder of any child by any wicked woman."

If these Jews are not offended by such things, then there is a risk of being plus royaliste que le roi in discussing the singing of the song, but a few comments are necessary. (In the realm of fiction, Joyce, in Ulysses, has the Jew Leopold Bloom ask Stephen Dedalus to sing the song (Joyce 1971: 611-613).)

The legend of Saint Hugh lasted a long time, but we can be sure that the traditional singers would not associate Sir Hugh with the blood libel. The symbolism is often there for those looking for it, and the killing, where mentioned, is often ceremonial. But the symbolism can easily be overlooked, and the killing may seem no more than butchery. There does remain, however, the fact that the killer is usually a Jew.

Unease among singers is reported by collectors (Atkinson 2002: 206; MacColl & Seeger 1977: 86). The ballad is included in the 1910 edition of The Oxford Book Of Ballads (Ed. Quiller-Couch), but not in the 1969 edition (Ed. Kinsley). The writers of booklets to accompany recordings often feel the need to apologize or explain (Henderson in the booklet to accompany The Muckle Sangs, CDTRAX9005; Lomax in the notes to Southern Journey Volume7: Ozark Frontier, Rounder 1707; Yates in the notes to Here's Luck To A Man, MTCD320, and Far In The Mountains Volsl &2 MTCD321-2). Henderson and Yates both
quote Child's condemnation of the persecution (Child III: 234). Yates also writes, concerning the Gypsy singer Minty Smith:

"The ballad has remained popular with Gypsies in Britain [ ... ] an ironic fact when one considers that this is a ballad concerning the persecution of the Jews, here being sung by a Gypsy, some 2 million of whom died alongside 6 million Jews in Nazi Germany." (booklet to MTCD230, p 21)

I doubt very much whether Minty Smith was thinking of the persecution of the Jews when singing the song. The queasiness belongs to the collector, whose figure of 2 million Gypsy dead is too high; Fonseca (1996: 243) puts it at half a million. There is, in any case, no particular reason why one minority should feel solidarity with another. But we do now have to ask why people sing this ballad. First, as Jacobs said (see above) it is a good song. Modern British writers on traditional song tend to focus on sociological aspects and neglect the aesthetic, perhaps feeling that it is too personal or elitist, but singers choose good songs. Peggy Seeger, as political a singer as one will find, recorded the song in 2003 on Heading For Home (Appleseed CD5HA), as Fatal Flower Garden, despite her misgivings about its content, even though the killer is simply 'a beautiful lady':

"I sing it because I placed it in my memory banks in my teens and because I love the harmonies but I too dislike the story. But if one were to avoid singing violent songs, one would probably removed[sic] the majority of the Anglo-American tradition." (from her website)

The song concerns the kidnapping and disappearance of a child. All parents fear this, but Gypsies and travellers have long had particular reason to fear losing their children. Levinson & Silk (2007:49-51) describe the fear of having their children forcibly adopted (and children would sometimes be 'taken into care' by the authorities). Expressing such fears in song may be a way to deal with them. The mother's role can be quite large, as she converses with her son's corpse (e.g. Motherwell 1846: I, 205-206). Some later versions add dramatic irony by describing the mother's anger at her son's tardiness:

"One hour and school was over.
His mother came out to call,
With a little rod under her apron
To beat her son withal." (Scarborough 1937: 174)

A similar stanza is found in a version sung by children (Child N, from Newell). A starker version runs simply:

"Whan bells war rung, and mass was sung,
And a' men bound for bed,
Every mither had her son,
But sweet Sir Hew was dead." (Child D)

One can feel the mother's expectation that her boy would come home in the evening. Hudson (1981: 116) says it has been used as a lullaby, but it is better seen as a warning to children against going off with strangers (Atkinson 220: 206). Certainly it has been sung by children (Child 155N, from Newell 1883).

Those who have childhood memories of the fear involved in retrieving their ball from a neighbour's garden will also identify with the ballad. For a child, a ball is difficult to replace, and one does not want to seem afraid in front of one's peers. On the other hand there are parental warnings about strangers, as well as the imagination, which, for example, turns strange women into witches.

Perhaps most simply, the song can be seen as a kind of horror film, with a mad, motiveless woman killer. A woman killer always seems scarier than a man (cf. Fatal Attraction). And the premonitions of disaster, followed by her leading him through various rooms to a secret part of the house, are echoed in those people who will insist on going down into the basement, where
we know the mad axe-killer is lurking. Steeleye Span's noisily electric version of the ballad (Comrrwners Crown BGOCD315) goes quiet while Maddy Prior sings:

"Out came the thick, thick blood
Out came the thin
Out came the bonny heart's blood
Till there was none within."

Anyone familiar with the splatter movie section in Tsutaya or Blockbuster will know the appeal of this. The Steeleye Span version really is no more than that, a scary story designed to give us all a thrill. That, finally, is the appeal of Child 155.

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Recordings (CDs unless specified)
Brazil, Lemmie (2007) Down By The Old Riverside (The Brazil Family). Musical Traditions MTCD345-7. Little
Sir Hugh.
Cole, Viola (2002) Far In The Mountains Volsl &2 (Various Artists). Musical Traditions MTCD321-2. It Rained,
It Mist.
Costello, Cecilia (1975) (no title). Leader LEE4054 (LP). The Jew's Daughter:
Friday, Gavin (2006) The Harry Smith Project: Anthology Of American Folk Music Revisited (Various Artists).
Shout OK 10043. Fatal Flower Garden.
Gilbert, Ollie (1997) Southern Journey Volume7, Ozark Frontier: Ballads And Old-Timey Music From Arkansas
(Various Artists). Rounder CD 1707. It Rained A Mist.
MacColl, Ewan & A. L. Lloyd (1956) The English And Scottish Popular Ballads (The Child Ballads) Volumel.
Riverside RLP 12-621/622 (LP). Sir Hugh (The Jew's Daughter).
Nelstone's Hawaiians (1997) Anthology Of American Folk Music (Various Artists). Smithsonian Folkways SFW
40090. Fatal Flower Garden.
Seeger, Peggy (2003) Heading For Home. Appleseed CD5HA. Fatal Flower Garden.
Smith, Minty (2003) Here's Luck To A Man ... Gypsy Songs And Music From South-East England (Various
Artists). Musical Traditions MTCD320. The Jew's Garden.
Steeleye Span (1996) Commoners Crown. Beat Goes On BGOCD315. Little Sir Hugh.
Stewart, Margaret (1992) The Muckle Sangs (Various Artists). Greentrax CDTRAX9005. Sir Hugh And The
Jew's Daughter.
Stewart, Margaret (2004) Binnorrie. Elphinstone Institute EICD002.
Websites
Child Ballad Collection, The http://members.chello.nl/r.vandijk2
EFDSS http://www.efdss.org
Lincoln Cathedral http://www.lincolncathedral.com
Peggy Seeger http://www.pegseeger.com/htmllheadingforhomesongs.html